Contrast in Phonology: Theory, Perception, Acquisition by Avery, Peter, Peter Avery, B. Elan Dresher, Keren Rice

By Avery, Peter, Peter Avery, B. Elan Dresher, Keren Rice

This e-book takes distinction, a subject that has been principal to phonological thought on the grounds that Saussure, as its vital subject matter, making specific its value to phonological thought, belief, and acquisition. the amount brings jointly a few diversified modern methods to the idea of distinction, together with chapters set inside of extra summary representation-based theories, in addition to chapters that target practical phonetic theories and perceptual constraints. This ebook might be of curiosity to phonologists, phoneticians, psycholinguists, researchers in first and moment language acquisition, and cognitive scientists attracted to present pondering in this interesting subject.

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Target: v tom [ftom] ‘at that’ b. non-trigger: tvořit se [tvor̝it se] ‘to take shape’ ≠ dvořit se [dvor̝it se] ‘to court, woo’ The other exception is /r̝/. Like /v/, /r̝/ undergoes but does not trigger regressive assimilation; unlike /v/, /r̝/ also undergoes a process of progressive assimilatory devoicing: (17) Behaviour of /r̝/ a. No devoicing: řeč břeh b. Regressive devoicing: tajnu˚stkářský c. 4 4 In some dialects, /v/ behaves in the same way as /r̝/. The variation is not crucial to the present question.

But this Hockett does in his presentation of types of vowel and consonant systems. For example, he observes (Hockett 1955: 84) that a 2x2 type of vowel system is widespread. He portrays such a system with the diagram in (20). (20) A 2x2 vowel system (Hockett 1955: 84) i o e a As examples, Hockett cites Rutul (Caucasian), in which the high back vowel is sometimes rounded, sometimes not, depending on environment; Fox and Shawnee (Algonquian), where the low back vowel is usually unrounded, though rounded in certain environments; and a number of other languages.

The effects of *Structure constraints are mitigated by faithfulness, as illustrated in (9). /F, G/ (9) ) Max(F) *Structure Max(G) * * [F] [F, G] **! [F, H] **! [] *! [G] *! * * * Any feature (such as [F] in the example in (9)) whose preservation is mandated by a faithfulness constraint outranking *Structure will be permitted to surface; other features (such as [G]) will be disallowed in the output. Conjoined *Structure constraints (Causley 1999: 194–196) can be used to enforce a complexity ceiling, so that [F] and [G] may not surface together on a single segment, even if each of them is allowed to appear alone, as illustrated in (10).

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